The defeat of Muhammad in the Holy Land and surah 30 "the Byzantines" (ar-R?m)
"The battle of Mou'ta in 629 is one of the very few events in the life of Muhammad that are attested for by non-muslim sources. This historical fact is often silenced, most likely because it speaks of a defeat and it is considered bad to say Muhammad could have been defeated by the Byzantines.
This being said, the later written muslim historiographies paint the picture of a new battle having taken place one year later, or rather not having taken place, with the Byzantines withdrawing before the thirthy thousand men gloriously assembled by Muhammad. The honour of the Prophet of Islam is thus saved, even though this non-battle of Tabuk (N-W of Saudi Arabia) isn't attested for by any non-muslim historian, and one can wonder what a Byzantine army was doing in the desert.
So what can we say about the objectives of Muhammad during the Battle of Mu'ta? Fred Donner thinks he wanted to submit the arab tribes (The Early Islamic Conquests, p. 102), with the objective to enlist them in the war claimed by the Quranic revelation - this author, ignoring all the exegesis of the text, assumes the Quran already existed. But, what really motivated Muhammad and his men? Can one say the project envisioned the conquest of the Holy Land and of Jerusalem to which, rightfully, everyone prayed? Did the location of the battle, situated in south-east of Jordan, express a fundamental symbol for the people of that time, the conquest of the "Holy Land" starting with the crossing of Jordan?" (PFJ).
Having verified things, two small towns present themselves in history using the name of Mou'ta (Mu'tah) one was situated in the N-E of Joran (nearby Bosra or Bostra) (1), the other, more southern, is today a university city of Jordan. The latter, being the military post of the IVth military byzantine region, gave its name to the battle.
The Holy Land was organised by the Byzantines (or Romans as they still used to be called at that time) using four regions Judea, Galilea, the south from the Dead Sea to Aqaba, and, in the east-south-east, "Arabia". The military post of this IVth region was composed of cavaleers (equites), troops on foot (scutarii) and auxiliaries (Illiriciani). By the end of 629 this byzantine force, supported by a contingent of Lakhmid Arabs, confronted the troops led by Muhammad. The event is being told about in the "Chronicle of Theophanes"; but the idea of why Muhammad chose to attack these Arabs of the N-W does not make sense. Verily, the byzantine authors never really understood the ideological nature of the project much later, they still believed that the Arab invaders were nomads who simply followed a policy of razzias!
A much embarrassing fact
Multiple elements, resulting from convergent analyses, have to be taken into account here, to leave the myth and to enter the historical reality. It is this convergence that constitutes the certitude of the historian; in contrast to a single document or indictator (for example, the direction of prayer which effectively was Jerusalem) on itself, every document will always be contestable in one way or another.
In this specific case, the Quranic text itself - as will be demonstrated - has some data that reveal a history completely different from that written down in muslim historiographies two centuries after the events took place, under the authority of the Caliphs. At least one verse refers to the defeat in Mu'ta; or, it was modified! Could the goal of this modification have been solely to wipe out this memory? It's sufficient to invent a new battle in which Muhammad was victorious, and that's exactly what the historiographies have done with Tabuk.
"And We have already written in the book after the mention that the land is inherited by My righteous servants." (sur. 21,105 - the allusion is referring to Psalm 37 verses 9.11.22.29).
"Indeed, the earth belongs to Allah. He causes to inherit it whom He wills of His servants. And the outcome is for the righteous." (sur. 19, 40)
"And it is He who has made you successors upon the earth and has raised some of you above others in degrees that He may try you through what He has given you." (sur. 6, 165)
These verses are relating to the nazarene-arab coalition established in Yathrib-Medina and known elsewhere. The route taken by the troops of Muhammad coming from Medina is all together very revealing. A map orientated north to south reveals immediately they were arriving from the south, but they did not enter in Palestine from that direction they travelled through Transjordania. The idea was to arrive facing the Jordan. Crossing the Jordan would have been the sign of the victorious conquest of the Holy Land similar to what the Hebrews of the Exodus did according to the Biblical description (cf. Numbers 33). They wanted to enter the Holy Land, crossing the Jordan barefooted, corresponding to the extraordinary account given in the book of Joshua (3, 14-17).
This similarity hasn't escaped the best islamic scholars, who saw the analogy between the concept of traditional Exodus, ending in the miraculous crossing of the Jordan, and the idea of Hijra. This concept of Hijra used to determine how the first "muslims" were referred to. Before calling them "muslims" (starting from the end of the 7th century, beginning of the 8th century), they were given the name of mu-hajir?n (root hjr of Hijra), more specifically those who made the Hijra, or the emigrants. There was similarly a muslim tradition "who implicitly regarded Palestine as the objective of the hijra there was hijra after hijra, but the best of men follow the hijra of Abraham - towards the Holy Land" (2)
This was the only expedition made by Muhammad in his life in that direction the nazarene-arab coalition had difficulties overcoming this defeat, as the text illustrates. It's only later, under Umar, that this project of conquest was again taking shape and eventually realized.
The Quran speaks about the consequences of Mu'ta
A passage in the Quran refers to these events the beginning of surah Ar-R?m (the Romans). They are dated to 630, at the end of the Medina period. In the immediate aftermath of this defeat, his goal was to raise spirits and moral again and to promise a future revenge. This dating of the battle (by Greek historians) is at the same time the only trustworthy dated indicator we dispose of about that person who will be later known as the Prophet of Islam!
As Blach?re explains (3), the start of this surah The Romans (30,2-5) is stating something absurd - at least if we look at it today
"The Romans (being the Byzantines) have been defeated (g?ulibat) in the nearest of the Land. They, after their defeat (g?alabi-him), will be victorious (sayag?lib?na) in a few years."
Were the muslims invited to celebrate over the victory of the Byzantines? Who on earth would celebrate over the victory of their enemies, and this "within a few years"? The absurdity of this text does not escape to muslim commentators, who prefer to talk about other things. Where is the error?
Another reading of the text is possible, based on the different vowelization of the three most important words of the same root being defeated, victory (the root g?lb, winning, can thus not give a noun meaning defeat), and winners. The question is legitimate because the vowels weren't added to the Quranic text until quite some time later. It's exactly these vowels who determine whether the form of the word will be passive or active. And if we read the text with active instead of passive and vice versa we come to the following result
"The Romans were victorious (g?alabat) in the nearest of Land. They, after their victory (g?alibi-him), will be defeated (sayag?lab?na) in a few years."
The text becomes perfectly clear and logic again - what it was originally. It is not a prophecy but a reference to a recent and desastrous event that took place at the "gates to the Land" - the defeat at Mou'ta in 629. This verse wants to raise the moral of the defeated, by promising them to be victorious "within a few years" and that they will have the help of God (this effectively took place 5 years later, when Muhammad wasn't alive anymore).
Cf . ABEL F.-M., G?ographie de la Palestine, Paris, Gabalda, tome II, 1938.
Crone Patricia, Cook Michael, Hagarism. The Making of the Islamic World, Cambridge University Press, 1977, p.9.
Blach?re R?gis, Le Coran, Paris, Maison-Neuve, 1957, p.429-430.
http//www.lemessieetsonprophete.com/annexes/mou_ta.htm